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06 Aug 2026
A café owner in the West Midlands trains a chef for two years. He is good: reliable, skilled, the kind of hire a small business is built on. His visa is running down, and to keep him she asks, for the first time, what sponsoring a worker actually costs.
She does the sum on the back of an invoice. Then she stops doing the sum.
Conversations of that shape have become a routine part of advising employers. They rarely end in outrage. They end in arithmetic. Someone runs the numbers, decides against it, and the vacancy quietly goes away. Nobody legislated to shut her out. There is no rule anywhere that says small businesses need not apply.
And yet the structure of the Skilled Worker route increasingly produces that result. Call it the drawbridge effect: a system that, without ever naming smaller employers, raises the cost of crossing until only those with deep balance sheets can comfortably make it over.
This piece sets out what changed on 22 July 2025, who it affects, and what it costs in practice. It also takes seriously the case for the reforms, which is stronger than their critics usually allow, before asking the question underneath: whether the cumulative effect is one anyone chose.
Two changes matter most, both implemented-on 22 July 2025 through the Statement of Changes in Immigration Rules HC 997, giving effect to measures in the Government’s Immigration White Paper, Restoring control over the immigration system. [1]
First, the skill threshold for the Skilled Worker route was lifted back to Regulated Qualifications Framework (RQF) level 6, meaning degree level. It had sat at RQF level 3 since 2020. The Home Office’s Explanatory Memorandum records that this removes around 180 eligible occupations from the route. Roles below RQF 6 remain eligible only where the occupation appears on the Immigration Salary List or the interim Temporary Shortage List. Those list entries carry removal dates set at the end of 2026, and workers sponsored in RQF 3–5 roles on either list cannot bring dependants. [1]
Second, salary requirements were uprated in line with the 2024 Annual Survey of Hours and Earnings. The general Skilled Worker salary requirement is now the higher of £41,700 a year or the going rate for the occupation, with a general discounted floor of £33,400 where tradeable points apply. [2]
Three distinctions are worth holding onto, because they are the kind that decide cases. The RQF change carries transitional protection: workers already in the route, or sponsored for an application later granted, before 22 July 2025 may continue to renew and change employment in sub-RQF-6 occupations, though the Memorandum states these arrangements are not indefinite and will be reviewed. The salary uprating carries no equivalent transitional protection, which the Memorandum describes as standard practice. And “earned settlement”, the proposed move to a ten-year baseline, remains at the time of writing a consultation proposal rather than law, and should not be treated as in force. [1] [3]
This bears on prospective sponsors and new overseas hires from 22 July 2025 onwards, and it bites hardest on smaller and lower-margin employers, and on sectors and regions where prevailing pay sits below a size-blind national threshold.
Who it leaves untouched, or affects differently:
The obvious assumption here is wrong, so it pays to be exact. The fee structure favours smaller organisations. A small or charitable sponsor pays a lower licence fee and a substantially lower Immigration Skills Charge than a medium or large one. [4] [5] Anyone arguing that the system overcharges small employers per head has not read the fee table.
The barrier sits elsewhere, in four things acting together.
1. The salary floor is blind to size and to place.
£41,700, or the going rate if higher, is the same figure in Birmingham as in the City of London, and the same for a ten-person firm as for a multinational. [2] For businesses whose own pay scales and regional labour markets sit below that line, the threshold is not a stretch; it is a wall.
Around 180 mostly medium-skilled occupations left the main route. What remains for those roles is the Immigration Salary List and a Temporary Shortage List that is, by design, temporary. Entries carry end-of-2026 removal dates, the Government reserves the right to bring those dates forward on compliance grounds, and sponsorship in those roles denies dependants. [1] That is a precarious foundation on which to plan a hire.
Take a small sponsor bringing one worker from overseas for five years. The employer-borne, non-transferable costs alone are:
That comes to £2,925 per worker, plus the one-off £611 licence. The sponsor must pay the Skills Charge and the Certificate of Sponsorship fee itself, since the published guidance warns that a licence may be revoked if those costs are passed to the worker. [4] [5] On top sit the applicant’s own costs, which many employers absorb in practice to land the hire: an application fee of £1,618 for more than three years from outside the UK, and the Immigration Health Surcharge at £1,035 a year, which reaches £6,793 across five years before the £1,270 maintenance funds the worker must show. [6] For a medium or large sponsor the Skills Charge alone rises to £6,600 over five years [4], though for an employer of that size it amounts to a rounding error. For the café owner it is a decision about whether the business can continue as it is.
Record-keeping, reporting duties, right-to-work checks and audit readiness cost broadly the same to run whether an employer sponsors one worker or fifty. A large employer spreads that across a compliance function. A small one absorbs it whole, usually into the evenings of whoever also does the payroll.
None of these measures was designed to exclude small businesses. Their combined effect, though, is a system in which the practical ability to hire from abroad tracks the size of the balance sheet more closely than the genuineness of the need.
The July 2025 reform at a glance
| Feature | Before 22 July 2025 | From 22 July 2025 |
|---|---|---|
| Skill level | RQF 3 and above accessible | RQF 6 and above; RQF 3–5 only via Immigration Salary List or Temporary Shortage List |
| Eligible occupations | Broader pre-reform list | Around 180 occupations removed from the main route |
| General salary requirement | Lower (uprated on 22 July 2025) | Higher of £41,700 or the going rate |
| Dependants (RQF 3–5 shortage roles) | Generally permitted | Not permitted for new RQF 3–5 shortage-list sponsorships |
| Action | Why it matters | When |
|---|---|---|
| Check whether the role is RQF 6, or on the Immigration Salary List or Temporary Shortage List | Determines whether the role can be sponsored at all | Before assigning a certificate of sponsorship |
| Note the Temporary Shortage List removal dates | RQF 3–5 entries carry end-of-2026 removal dates and may be brought forward | At planning stage |
| Confirm the current general threshold and the occupation’s going rate | The higher of the two applies; going rates are occupation-specific and change | At offer stage, and again at application |
| Budget the full employer-borne stack as upfront cash | Licence, certificate and Skills Charge cannot be passed to the worker | Before committing to sponsor |
| Check the transitional status of any existing sponsored worker | Pre-22 July 2025 workers may retain sub-RQF-6 flexibility | Before a renewal or change of role |
| Watch the salary review and the earned settlement consultation | Both may change the calculation; neither is settled | Ongoing |
It would be easy, and dishonest, to write all this as though the reforms had no rationale. They have one, and it deserves stating at its strongest.
The Explanatory Memorandum is explicit about why the skill threshold moved: growth in visa numbers and concerns about the exploitation of overseas recruits had been seen particularly in occupations below RQF level 6. On adult social care it is blunter still, citing significant concerns over abuse and exploitation, and workers left out of work when providers over-estimated demand or lost the ability to sponsor. [1]
These are real problems, and anyone who has advised a worker whose sponsor collapsed underneath them knows it. A salary threshold is a crude instrument, but it is also a floor, and beneath a floor undercutting gets easier. A skill threshold is similarly crude and similarly defensible: a route open to almost any occupation is a route with a very large surface area for abuse. There is also nothing unreasonable about a government deciding that some vacancies ought to be answered by training people already here.
The real question, then, is narrower and harder than the usual argument allows. Few would dispute that the state should regulate access to the labour market. What is in doubt is whether a size-blind instrument is the right way to do it. A single national salary figure treats a ten-person firm in Walsall and a multinational in Mayfair as the same applicant. It screens out the exploitative employer and the merely marginal one with equal efficiency, because it cannot tell them apart. That is a blunt tool doing a job that calls for a fine one.
The published guidance leaves several things unresolved, and some of the largest variables are still moving.
Return to the café owner. She is nobody’s cause, and nobody is exploiting her. She ran the numbers and stopped. Her chef will go somewhere or go home. The role will be advertised again or quietly dropped. None of it will appear in any statistic, because a hire that never happens leaves no record.
This is what makes the argument so hard to pin down, and the point deserves evidence rather than rhetoric. The Home Office’s published immigration system statistics break sponsored work visas down by occupation, industry and nationality. They contain no breakdown by the size of the sponsoring organisation. The dedicated work sponsorship datasets that tracked certificates of sponsorship, CoS_D01 and CoS_D02, are now marked “Release discontinued”, the most recent covering the year ending December 2024. [8]
Yet the department holds the information. It must. The Immigration Skills Charge and the licence fee are both charged at different rates depending on whether a sponsor is small, charitable, or medium and large. [2] [4] The state knows the size of every sponsor it licenses, because it bills them accordingly. It simply never publishes the breakdown that would show what is happening to the smaller ones.
There may be perfectly good reasons to keep the drawbridge where it is. The reforms answer real abuses, and nobody advising in this field should pretend otherwise. But if the price of closing the route to the worst employers is closing it to the smallest ones too, that is a trade, and a trade should be made deliberately, by someone counting who is left on the far side of the moat. On the published evidence, nobody is counting. Before the drawbridge goes up again, someone should look over the edge.
A note on figures. All figures and dates above were checked against the primary sources listed below on 31 July 2026. Immigration fees, salary thresholds and going rates change frequently, and going rates are specific to each occupation code. Readers should verify the current position against the sources cited before relying on any figure. This article is general information, not immigration advice; the opening scenario is illustrative and composite and does not describe any client or case.
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This article was written by V Immigration Ltd, a team of immigration advisers regulated by the Immigration Advice Authority (IAA registration number F202638454), with offices in Birmingham and London.